Black Power Scholar Illustrates How MLK And Malcolm X Influenced Each Other

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A man walks past a mural of Malcom X and Martin Luther King Jr. in London.

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Basic Books

On what Malcolm X meant by racial separatism

This idea of separatism is really interesting. The deeper I investigated Malcolm X, the more I understood what he meant and what the Nation of Islam meant by racial separatism. It wasn’t segregation. It was separatism, they argued, and Malcolm does this in a series of debates against Bayard Rustin, against Jim Farmer, against James Baldwin, Louis Lomax. He says that racial separatism is required because white people do not want Black people to be citizens and have dignity. And if they did, you wouldn’t have to protest and experience police violence and police brutality: small children trying to integrate Little Rock High School, young people trying to integrate lunch counters, and they’re arrested and brutalized, sometimes people were killed, of course. So what’s interesting about this idea of separatism, Malcolm argues separatism is Black people having enough self-love and enough confidence in themselves to organize and build parallel institutions. Because America was so infected with the disease of racism, they could never racially integrate into American democracy.

On Malcolm X’s vision of «by any means necessary» protest

Code Switch
Malcolm X’s Public Speaking Power

Malcolm is making the argument that, one, Black people have the right to self-defense and to defend themselves against police brutality. It’s really striking when you follow Malcolm X in the 1950s and ’60s, the number of court appearances he’s making, whether it’s in Buffalo, N.Y., or Los Angeles or Rochester, N.Y., where members of the Nation of Islam have been brutalized [and], at times, killed by police violence. So Malcolm is arguing that, one, Black people have a right to defend themselves. Second part of Malcolm’s argument — because he travels to the Middle East by 1959, travels for 25 weeks overseas in 1964 — is that because there [are] anti-colonial revolutions raging across Africa and the Third World in the context of the 1950s and ’60s, he makes the argument that the Black revolution in the United States is only going to be a true revolution once Black people start utilizing self-defense to end the racial terror they’re experiencing both in the 1950s and ’60s, but historically. And one of the reasons Malcolm makes that argument, obviously, is because his father and his family had experienced that racial terror.

On King’s policy of non-violent protest v. self defense

One thing that’s important to know is that when we think about nonviolence versus self-defense, it’s very, very complex, because even though Martin Luther King Jr. is America’s apostle and a follower of Gandhi and believes in nonviolence, there are always people around King who are trying to protect him and in demonstrations, who actually are armed, they’re not armed in the same way that, say, the Black Panthers would arm themselves later, but they’re armed to actually protect and defend peaceful civil rights activists from racial terror. And of course, King famously had had armed guards around him in Montgomery, Ala., after his home was firebombed during the bus boycott of 1955 to ’56. And it’s Bayard Rustin who famously told him he couldn’t have those armed guards if he wanted to live out the practice of nonviolence.

Code Switch
The Power Of Martin Luther King Jr.’s Anger

So King usually does not have his own people being armed. But when he’s in the Deep South, there are civil rights activists who actually are armed and at times protecting him. They’re not necessarily connected to his Southern Christian Leadership Conference, but the movement always had people who were trying to protect peaceful demonstrators against racial terror.

On King’s response to Malcolm X’s argument against non-violent civil disobedience

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Peniel E. Joseph, Ph.D., is the founding director of the LBJ School’s Center for the Study of Race and Democracy at the University of Texas, Austin.

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Code Switch
‘A Proud Walk’: 3 Voices On The March From Selma To Montgomery

But by March 15, LBJ, the president, is going to say these protesters are right and they are part of a long pantheon of American heroes dating back to the revolution. And then March 21 to the 25, the Selma to Montgomery demonstration is going to attract 30,000 Americans — including white allies, Jewish allies like Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel — to King and the movement. So King is going to make his last, fully nationally televised speech on March 25, 1965, where he talks about American democracy, racial justice, but the long road ahead. By that August, Aug. 6, 1965, the Voting Rights Act has passed. So these are real high points.

But then five days after the Voting Rights Act is passed, Watts, Los Angeles explodes in really the largest civil disturbance in American history up until that point. And when we think about after Watts, that’s where King and Malcolm start to converge, because Malcolm had criticized the March on Washington as the «farce on Washington,» because he said that King and the movement should have paralyzed Washington, D.C., and forced a reckoning about race in America. And they didn’t do that. By 1965, King says that in this essay, «Beyond the Los Angeles Riots,» that what he’s going to start doing is use non-violent civil disobedience as a peaceful sword that paralyzes cities to produce justice that goes beyond civil rights and voting rights acts.

Sam Briger and Thea Chaloner produced and edited the audio of this interview. Bridget Bentz, Molly Seavy-Nesper and Meghan Sullivan adapted it for the Web.